By Murray Hunter | Malaysia Chronicle
With the perceived weakening of Najib Razak’s position of tenure as Malaysian Prime Minister, there is deep speculation within the country about moves afoot to form a national unity government.
Since the Barisan National’s re-election on May 5, there has been a distinct shift in stance towards ‘Ketuanan Melayu’ or Malay privilege, at the cost of 1Malaysia inclusive philosophy. There is now little talk about the Government Transformation Program, and after a relaxed stance towards rallies by the opposition, authorities are now taking stern action towards Anwar Ibrahim’s 505 movement with mass arrests of demonstrators over the weekend. Even Najib’s calls to make UMNO more inclusive has aggravated many within his party.
According to political pundits, Najib Razak is still prime minister, only because there is currently no other creditable and popular figure who could take the mantle of leadership away from him.
If we go back to pre-May 5 feeling in the community, there was great anticipation that an era of change was about to sweep the country. There was excitement on the streets with an almost carnival atmosphere. But the result on election night disappointed so many people, where denial and claims of massive cheating showed that many refused to accept the result. This has left the country just as divided as it was before the election. Nothing was settled and politicking rather than governance is dominating the national narrative. Anwar Ibrahim is pushing the Government into a corner with his national 505 tour disputing the election result which seems to be directly challenging Najib to take action against him.
Today’s political situation is of concern to many of Malaysia’s top echelon of businesspeople, politicians, civil servants, and even members of the Royal Families. There is a strong feeling amongst the country’s elite that Malaysia needs good governance rather than politicking. Many are very sympathetic to the concept of a national unity government, as a solution to this impasse, as it appears any election will not bring a harmonious result the nation requires. The idea of a national unity government is not without any precedent, as PAS was once a member of the BN back in the early 1970s.
Some feel that although the BN won through the first-past-the-post electoral system, the Pakatan Rakyat’s higher popular vote justifies the opposition having some say in government. For these people, a unity government would restore moderate policies and narrative, and keep ‘ultra-ism’ in check. Some within UMNO, see the possibility of a national unity government as a means to maintain UMNO’s long term survival, as the party to many Malays is an icon of political history and development. UMNO’s participation in a national unity government would act as pressure for internal reform, something many members want.
From Anwar Ibrahim’s PKR party, there are many, particularly those ex-UMNO members that see the party’s participation in a national unity government would give it the legitimacy it needs to survive in the long term past the persona of Anwar Ibrahim. They want PKR to stand on its own two feet without the ‘Anwar personality cult’.
PAS has been reluctantly romanced by UMNO many times over the years, but the party may favorably consider the concept of a national unity government under certain conditions. Many just feel that it’s time to stop talking about race and religion, and address the real needs of the country.
If one looked through the blogs and even the mainstream media over the weekend, so many different scenarios and numbers have been canvassed. Two speculative scenarios exist. One involving Premier Najib himself and the other with a move by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah or Ku Li as he is known.
The first option would involve Premier Najib Bin Razak making a move to bring in parties from the Pakatan Rakyat into the government, as has been spasmodically mooted over the last few years. Such a move would probably ensure UMNO with a much brighter future electorally. This would stall the Muhyiddin Yassin and Mahathir forces, and if completed smoothly, would sure up Najib’s position as President of UMNO in the coming October elections. Such a move would also allow Najib to change the narrative from the ‘ultraist’ direction it is going, to a more moderate and inclusive one. Such an achievement could elevate Najib in status, which might create a very positive legacy for him.
However this move would also seal the fate of the MCA, Gerakan, and maybe even the MIC, as they are tossed aside for the DAP, PAS, and PKR.
The probability of any national unity government would hold many outstanding issues which must be solved before it could happen. This would include policies and corruption, where it is rumored the new minister in the PM’s office Paul Low is shocked by the extent of waste and corruption within government. Determining a way for all parties to work through these issues could be big stumbling blocks to any potential agreement.
The biggest problem with any potential formation of a national unity government would be that any initiative by Najib may lack the persuasion and statesmanship needed to pull of such a big coup. His track record has been a very passive one during his tenure as prime minister, especially since the May 5 election. The formation of a national unity government would take a massive amount of negotiation and convincing to all parties, including the UMNO party membership. To date Najib hasn’t shown that he has got what it takes in this area.
The Tengku Razaleigh option has been gathering much speculation over the last few days, and there is a difference in the stories circulating as to whether Ku Li may make a bid for the UMNO party presidency, or seek to move a no confidence motion in the Prime Minister during the first day of Parliament sitting. His discussions with members of parliament from both sides fuels speculation about the latter. Ku Li is reported to be meeting political leaders in Sabah and Sarawak who are disillusioned with Najib for not appointing them to the Federal cabinet. Moreover they feel let down with the solid performance that they achieved in support of the BN with little reward to Sabah and Sarawak. Finally they have concerns about how a weakened BN will be able to govern effectively. Although there is much wishful thinking about this scenario, such a dramatic seizure of power doesn’t seem to be Ku Li’s modus operandi.
So what are the realistic chances that a national unity government could occur sometime in the near future?
A meeting between Najib Bin Razak and Anwar Ibrahim, although denied by Anwar, was reported to have taken place at the Istana Presiden Indonesia in Jakarta last Saturday. It can only be speculated upon what was discussed, but with pressure put on Najib by Mahathir, Najib’s options are limited. Najib’s bid to stop the two top posts within UMNO being contested by election was met with great animosity by pro-Mahathir bloggers. Likewise the authorities clamping down on the 505 rallies might put some pressure on Anwar to consider a national unity government, if that was indeed on the agenda of their discussions, if at all they occurred.
Any attempt to seize the initiative in trying to form a national unity government by Najib would no doubt meet with the full Roth of Tun Dr. Mahathir, who would go into overdrive to replace him as PM. This fact alone casts doubt about any moves by Najib to discuss the possibilities of forming any type of national unity government. It would be a brave man who crossed Tun, yet Najib is also desperate for self survival.
The logistics of organizing any form of national unity government which could survive the whole parliamentary term would be horrendous. Allocating ministries among DAP, PAS, and PKR, developing policies, and creating a working cabinet among previous adversaries is a tall order. However if this could be achieved a certain amount of political stability would be achieved and the centre of political gravity would return to the peninsula, something many want.
A national unity government might give the people of Malaysia the feeling that some of their aspirations have been met.
Ku Li first postulated a national unity government back after the 2008 election. In the post GE-13 scenario he would need PR’s 89 members, plus 35 other supporters to enable him to win a vote of no confidence on the floor of the Dewan Rakyat or lower house. Ku Li is probably seen as the only figure left in the parliament who could not only unite UMNO, but a government, and even the country as a whole.
The political leaders in Sabah are known for their fickleness, which was blamed for Anwar’s blotched September 16 defection back in 2008. From the UMNO side, one of the biggest unknowns is the new voting system within UMNO for the direct election of party resident this year. Nobody really knows what the majority of UMNO members really want. However there are many people inside of UMNO who might welcome Ku Li as a chance to break away from the current mold and allow the party to progress.
Things start to get much more complex from the Pakatan Rakyat side. The spiritual leader of PAS Nik Aziz has been against negotiations with UMNO, but now after standing down as the Chief Minister of Kelantan, his continued influence within the party is unknown. There are those within PAS who see negotiations with UMNO as a good thing for Malay and Muslim unity.
The DAP have gone so far without compromise and stalwarts within the party would likely oppose any such moves. But then many also said that the DAP would not last long within PR. The DAP has surprisingly lasted, even with the unfriendly rhetoric that arises from time to time from its coalition partners.
Ironically, it may be two archrivals Anwar Ibrahim and Dr. Mahathir who might be the big spoilers of any such moves towards any form of national unity government. Many close to Anwar Ibrahim often comment about his strong personal drive and determination to become PM, and a national unity government may exclude him of that chance. Consequently he may not allow PKR to become involved in any discussion or participate in any government. However those within PKR who believe that the party is more than a vehicle for Anwar to achieve his own political ambitions may be more conducive to the possibility of negotiations, especially given the fact that many PKR members are in actual fact ex-UMNO members. The serious mooting of a national unity government could develop a crisis within PKR between those who are opposed and those who want to explore the possibility.
From Tun Mahathir’s perspective, he is rebuilding influence within the party and any national unity government would threaten this. Any national unity government would take Malaysian politics to a new era where he may become excluded.
Malaysia’s political future must have UMNO within its calculations. UMNO has strong enough support by those who belief in its heritage, the party cannot be ignored. For those who see politics as the art of the pragmatic and possible, power sharing may be the avenue to change that so many Malaysians desire.
However, besides the spoilers, self interest is likely to get in the way of any real breakthrough with people fearful of losing positions and influence. Developing a new model of government without the embedded corruption that has gone on, may be too difficult a task, as those involved will need to cover up their deeds. It is difficult to see how this issue could ever be resolved without giving immunity of prosecution, something people may not be willing to agree on.
Although a national unity government has so much to give Malaysia, and so many people view this as a real hope for the future, there are too many forces against this reality. Had a hung parliament resulted from the may 5th election, a national unity government led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah may have been a real possibility, but the reality today may be that any potential national unity government is only a fairy tale, albeit one shared by many. - New Mandala
Murray Hunter is an Associate Professor at Universiti Malaysia Perlis.
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Tuesday, June 18, 2013
Saturday, June 15, 2013
Najib likely to face leadership challenge
By Bridget Welsh | Malaysiakini
One month after GE13, attention has turned to the Umno election. Rumours are already circulating about possible challengers to the ruling party’s No 1 post. While the Black 505 rallies continue to mobilise protest against the May 5 general election that many recognise as seriously flawed, the dominant political party is myopically focused on its party polls and who will lead the party after October.
The flurry of activity in recent weeks – from the call to make Umno more inclusive ethnically to the pleas for the return of the 2,000 delegates as electors (rather than 146,500 members) are all part of the now intensifying internal Umno political jockeying.
All eyes are on the contest for the top leadership position, especially given that Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak performed poorer electorally compared to his predecessor and did not fully deliver on his promise of winning back Selangor and a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
More and more calls are being made to keep the two top positions uncontested. In Umno, however, the real politics is happening behind the scenes. The grassroots are mobilising for the first stage of the party electoral process – the divisional polls.
Despite the public rhetoric, current conditions point to a competitive contest, in which if conditions do not radically change, Najib will likely face a credible and substantive challenge to his position.
Five factors
There are five underlying factors that point to a challenge:
First, the modus operandi in Umno is money politics. This was a legacy of the Mahathir years and has become deeply entrenched, feeding into the concerns over corruption and governance. For many of the delegates, they join the party for the perks and invest in positions for potential financial gains.
Elections are an integral part of the financial rewards in the system as they involve the distribution of incentives. The logic is simple – the more the competition within the party, the more the incentives. Given the modus operandi in Umno, there are vested interests in fueling contests.
The higher the level of competition, the greater the promise of rewards. This election involves more people, so competition is costly, involving mass outlays of funds to more people than ever before. Part of the call for the return to the old 2,000-delegate system is driven by this economic ‘money politics’ reality.
There is a tension here between those who would like to minimise costs, with those who would like to receive dividends. The numbers are on the receiving ends, thus the systemic pressure for greater competition.
Second, Umno as a party is deeply factionalised. This is not unique. In fact for dominant one-party system this is the norm, as seen in Taiwan, Japan and Mexico. All political parties have some degree of internal divisions. These divisions, however, feed into competition as the leadership has to accommodate the various warlords.
In some cases, such as recently in Negeri Sembilan, the leadership has had to take sides on who to elevate to positions in the state government. Warlordism fuels competition by bringing national politics to the state level and vice-versa. Currently, the intensity of conflict at the state level and underlying resentment against Umno’s current leadership for perceived favouritism contributes to pressure for more leadership competition.
Malay chauvinism under challenge
Third, Umno as a party is being pressured to reform its identity after GE13. To be more precise, its Malay chauvinism is being challenged. The challenge is taking the form of calls to move the party into a more multi-ethnic entity, and be more inclusive of non-Malays. This is in response to the effective death of the BN as a multi-ethnic power-sharing coalition in GE13.
This measure initially mooted by Najib has yielded a strong reaction from the rank and file, who have come out of a polls where ethnic Malay chauvinism was stoked and ignited to bring the party faithful together against the opposition. The disconnect between the multi-ethnic initiative promoted by a national leader seeking national representation and the party grassroots embedded in their ethnic nationalist framework is real, and has caused disgruntlement among some and anger among others.
The push to maintain the openness in the party electoral system taps into this, as more numbers can openly display their rejection of transforming the party outside of Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s Malay chauvinist mode.
Fourth, there is the reality of generational pressures within the party. Najib was not successful in having many of ‘his men’ elected in GE13, as he hoped to garner a new cadre of leaders to support his push to consolidate his position within the party. After all, he has yet to be elected to the presidency.
The push for younger, new faces remains, but the bottleneck in the leadership is substantive. The impact is that younger leaders will by nature ally with different actors with the hope of moving up the ranks in a system that has been slow to engage in generational transformation.
Finally, amidst the structural concerns is the long-standing push for statesmanship. Many in Umno hark back to the good old days when Umno leaders were respected across the Malaysian society, and seen as national leaders to be proud of. There is division within Umno, and nationally, regarding Najib’s leadership as well as his statesmanship.
He has not taken a prominent role post-GE13, and this raises questions. Najib, like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, faces the difficulty of meeting conflicting demands and higher expectations. This push for ‘statesmanship’ leadership will be a driver for some of the potential contenders for power.
Najib seeks new allies
These party dynamics – money politics, warlord factionalism, party identity, generational pressures and statesmanship – all contribute to increased possibilities of a leadership challenge and greater party contention. At issue will be the new electoral system, the timing of the polls (with early polls apparently favoured by Najib) and the composition of the challenge itself.
The question being asked is whether Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is 66 last month, will feel this is his last chance to take a shot at the top spot or someone else steps up to the challenge. Also openly being discussed is Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, 76, who has shown a willingness to contest for Umno president in the past. It is unlikely, given the systemic issues at play, that no one will step forward.
Despite the questions around GE13 and the continued concerns with electoral irregularities, Umno feels victorious and is being portrayed as the ‘winner,’ contributing to more risk-taking and competition.
umno special briefing abdullah ahmad badawi announce resignation date 100708 04We have seen after the May 5 general election, new alliances are being forged – at least temporarily – ahead of the Umno polls. Najib has brought many of the Abdullah allies into the cabinet and he has reached out to Sabah.
He has not significantly rocked the warlord interests in most of the states as he sought more allies. His biggest ‘new’ ally appears to be Mahathir who said there was ‘no alternative’ to Najib in a speech in Japan. But history has shown that Mahathir’s fidelity as an ally is uncertain at best.
Najib has simultaneously thrown down the gauntlet by not giving Muhyiddin a senior cabinet position and holding his people at bay by not including them in the cabinet. The contest effectively began when the GE13 results came in, continued with the cabinet selection and is ongoing. The strategy of the marginalisation of Muhyiddin has begun.
In the weeks ahead, the backroom politics will only intensify. It is much too early to write off a challenge. In fact, current conditions suggest the opposite – a growing competition within Umno.
Najib will rely on the incumbency advantage, something which he had used effectively in GE13. But despite the power of incumbency, Najib’s position should not yet be seen as secure, as he has to pass the test of his party in what may very well be the fiercest contests for the party leadership yet.
DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. Bridget can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg.
One month after GE13, attention has turned to the Umno election. Rumours are already circulating about possible challengers to the ruling party’s No 1 post. While the Black 505 rallies continue to mobilise protest against the May 5 general election that many recognise as seriously flawed, the dominant political party is myopically focused on its party polls and who will lead the party after October.
The flurry of activity in recent weeks – from the call to make Umno more inclusive ethnically to the pleas for the return of the 2,000 delegates as electors (rather than 146,500 members) are all part of the now intensifying internal Umno political jockeying.
All eyes are on the contest for the top leadership position, especially given that Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak performed poorer electorally compared to his predecessor and did not fully deliver on his promise of winning back Selangor and a two-thirds majority in Parliament.
More and more calls are being made to keep the two top positions uncontested. In Umno, however, the real politics is happening behind the scenes. The grassroots are mobilising for the first stage of the party electoral process – the divisional polls.
Despite the public rhetoric, current conditions point to a competitive contest, in which if conditions do not radically change, Najib will likely face a credible and substantive challenge to his position.
Five factors
There are five underlying factors that point to a challenge:
First, the modus operandi in Umno is money politics. This was a legacy of the Mahathir years and has become deeply entrenched, feeding into the concerns over corruption and governance. For many of the delegates, they join the party for the perks and invest in positions for potential financial gains.
Elections are an integral part of the financial rewards in the system as they involve the distribution of incentives. The logic is simple – the more the competition within the party, the more the incentives. Given the modus operandi in Umno, there are vested interests in fueling contests.
The higher the level of competition, the greater the promise of rewards. This election involves more people, so competition is costly, involving mass outlays of funds to more people than ever before. Part of the call for the return to the old 2,000-delegate system is driven by this economic ‘money politics’ reality.
There is a tension here between those who would like to minimise costs, with those who would like to receive dividends. The numbers are on the receiving ends, thus the systemic pressure for greater competition.
Second, Umno as a party is deeply factionalised. This is not unique. In fact for dominant one-party system this is the norm, as seen in Taiwan, Japan and Mexico. All political parties have some degree of internal divisions. These divisions, however, feed into competition as the leadership has to accommodate the various warlords.
In some cases, such as recently in Negeri Sembilan, the leadership has had to take sides on who to elevate to positions in the state government. Warlordism fuels competition by bringing national politics to the state level and vice-versa. Currently, the intensity of conflict at the state level and underlying resentment against Umno’s current leadership for perceived favouritism contributes to pressure for more leadership competition.
Malay chauvinism under challenge
Third, Umno as a party is being pressured to reform its identity after GE13. To be more precise, its Malay chauvinism is being challenged. The challenge is taking the form of calls to move the party into a more multi-ethnic entity, and be more inclusive of non-Malays. This is in response to the effective death of the BN as a multi-ethnic power-sharing coalition in GE13.
This measure initially mooted by Najib has yielded a strong reaction from the rank and file, who have come out of a polls where ethnic Malay chauvinism was stoked and ignited to bring the party faithful together against the opposition. The disconnect between the multi-ethnic initiative promoted by a national leader seeking national representation and the party grassroots embedded in their ethnic nationalist framework is real, and has caused disgruntlement among some and anger among others.
The push to maintain the openness in the party electoral system taps into this, as more numbers can openly display their rejection of transforming the party outside of Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s Malay chauvinist mode.
Fourth, there is the reality of generational pressures within the party. Najib was not successful in having many of ‘his men’ elected in GE13, as he hoped to garner a new cadre of leaders to support his push to consolidate his position within the party. After all, he has yet to be elected to the presidency.
The push for younger, new faces remains, but the bottleneck in the leadership is substantive. The impact is that younger leaders will by nature ally with different actors with the hope of moving up the ranks in a system that has been slow to engage in generational transformation.
Finally, amidst the structural concerns is the long-standing push for statesmanship. Many in Umno hark back to the good old days when Umno leaders were respected across the Malaysian society, and seen as national leaders to be proud of. There is division within Umno, and nationally, regarding Najib’s leadership as well as his statesmanship.
He has not taken a prominent role post-GE13, and this raises questions. Najib, like his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, faces the difficulty of meeting conflicting demands and higher expectations. This push for ‘statesmanship’ leadership will be a driver for some of the potential contenders for power.
Najib seeks new allies
These party dynamics – money politics, warlord factionalism, party identity, generational pressures and statesmanship – all contribute to increased possibilities of a leadership challenge and greater party contention. At issue will be the new electoral system, the timing of the polls (with early polls apparently favoured by Najib) and the composition of the challenge itself.
The question being asked is whether Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, who is 66 last month, will feel this is his last chance to take a shot at the top spot or someone else steps up to the challenge. Also openly being discussed is Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, 76, who has shown a willingness to contest for Umno president in the past. It is unlikely, given the systemic issues at play, that no one will step forward.
Despite the questions around GE13 and the continued concerns with electoral irregularities, Umno feels victorious and is being portrayed as the ‘winner,’ contributing to more risk-taking and competition.
umno special briefing abdullah ahmad badawi announce resignation date 100708 04We have seen after the May 5 general election, new alliances are being forged – at least temporarily – ahead of the Umno polls. Najib has brought many of the Abdullah allies into the cabinet and he has reached out to Sabah.
He has not significantly rocked the warlord interests in most of the states as he sought more allies. His biggest ‘new’ ally appears to be Mahathir who said there was ‘no alternative’ to Najib in a speech in Japan. But history has shown that Mahathir’s fidelity as an ally is uncertain at best.
Najib has simultaneously thrown down the gauntlet by not giving Muhyiddin a senior cabinet position and holding his people at bay by not including them in the cabinet. The contest effectively began when the GE13 results came in, continued with the cabinet selection and is ongoing. The strategy of the marginalisation of Muhyiddin has begun.
In the weeks ahead, the backroom politics will only intensify. It is much too early to write off a challenge. In fact, current conditions suggest the opposite – a growing competition within Umno.
Najib will rely on the incumbency advantage, something which he had used effectively in GE13. But despite the power of incumbency, Najib’s position should not yet be seen as secure, as he has to pass the test of his party in what may very well be the fiercest contests for the party leadership yet.
DR BRIDGET WELSH is associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University. Bridget can be reached at bwelsh@smu.edu.sg.
Thursday, May 23, 2013
Open Letter to those BN elected Members of Parliament with integrity and conscience
Dear Yang Berhomat Ahli ahli Parliament Barisan National,
It is with much regret to go against my principle to call for your reconsideration in remaining with your coalition party, Barisan National.
There must be a very good reason, at times, to go against one's principle for the sake of the people and nation.
Before going into the reasoning in suggesting that you reconsider your position to remain with Barisan National let me asked a few questions in reminding you what and who you are.
1) What is your purpose to be an elected Member of Parliament?
2) Is high position (being a minister) and power solely or one of your motive to be an elected Member of Parliament?
3) Have the deterioration of racial harmony and religious intolerance caught your attention?
4) What is your priority being an elected Member of Parliament, party first or people/nation first?
5) Can you see what is happening right now with BN especially umno?
By answering the above questions truthfully you will know what position you are in right now.
You can see clearly the different rhetoric perpetuated pre 505 and post 505. Pre 505 rhetoric are favoring the rakyat with tonnes of money flowing freely and unrealistic promises to garner votes. Post 505 after failing to attract the voters to its side the tone set is completely the opposite using the race card to the tilt.
Yes, BN won 133 seats to enable it to form the federal government and with Najib swearing in with haste as the Prime Minister. Pakatan Rakyat is challenging the result claiming that they are being cheated off the win. They have every right to do so with their evidences to prove it. If you are a Malaysian living long enough in this nation you will be able to conclude what will be the outcome, but, today we are not talking about Pakatan Rakyat. Let them do what is right according to the "law" hoping that judgement will be free, fair and conducted without fear or favor.
The clarion call for GE 13 is to change the federal government to kick start a two party system that will enable any new federal government to rule together with the rakyat and not act arrogantly, corrupt and being racist. The popular vote has shown this is what the rakyat wanted but due to many obstacles being put in place in the election system the results gave the incumbent the 133 seats to stay in power.
Pre 505, umno bn leaders including the caretaker PM, Najib, have claimed that voters need not have to change the federal government cause umno bn can change themselves if voted in. Many have seen through this lie and the popular votes proved it. Umno bn did win the GE 13 but what are we seeing now post GE 13? They have indeed changed, not for the better but even worst.
The PM for all Malaysians and with his trademark of 1Malaysia started the ball rolling with his racist slant, 'Chinese tsunami' and the rest followed suit with Utusan's 'Apa lagi Cina Mahu?', former Court of Appeal judge Mohd Noor Abdulla’s incendiary speech pitting the Malays against the Chinese, UiTM pro-chancellor Tan Sri Dr. Abdul Rahman Arshad called for the abolition of Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools; and the call by some Malay groups to boycott Chinese businesses as a form of vendetta for the 13GE results. And not to forget the newly appointed Home Minister calling you to leave the country if you are not happy.
Racism is the worst disease in any developing nation and total destruction is the answer to it if it is not arrested immediately. As an elected MP, are you happy with what the PM and his followers are doing with these racist remarks pouring out daily? Is this racism part of PM Najib's call for national reconciliation? Give it a thought, if you keep quiet about it then you are no different from these racists.
Next is the formation of the Cabinet Ministers. Are they truly a formidable team to carry out their respective duty to bring forth a real transformation and changes that the nation is hungry for? The four most important ministry posts, finance, education, home and defense were given base on their capabilities, experiences and knowledge or on personal/party reasons? Most of you are fighting to be included into the cabinet but did you all asked yourself, are you qualified to hold that ministerial post if given? What I can see is a 'kitchen cabinet' full of carcases.
I need not have to go into the extensive corruptions and the actions of PDRM against those who are rallying against the undemocratic, dirtiest GE13 and framing almost anything they do under the sedition act while the most seditious statements that came from the ruling government went unnoticed. The above two points, racism and the cabinet are good enough to prove it does not bode well for the nation with this type of people running the nation. The rakyat do not care anymore about skin color, you can have a 100% Malay ministers or 100% Malay MPs as long as you can perform your duty as an elected representatives without thinking or acting like a racist and being fair to all Malaysians.
This is not an action call like September 16 post 308 but a message to whomever of you, right thinking MP, in truly wanting a real change in the democratic functioning system which have been destroyed over the 56 long years under umno bn rule. Get your party to withdraw from BN coalition and stay independent if you are not comfortable to join Pakatan Rakyat. Or if withdrawing party is not possible, then go independent as an individual. If only 25 of you can turned independent this will force a no confident vote against Najib as PM and a vote for a new PM can be called. If your conscience is clear and have seen the bads of umno you should vote for a Pakatan Rakyat MP to be the new PM.
If you do not take any action now and allow these group of leaders, mostly from umno, to continue running the nation there can be no hope of a two party system, good governance and bright future for this nation. Please bare in mind that there will be no reward such as promise of position nor monetary reward should you decide to go independent. It is all on your conscience and integrity to see that our beloved nation does not go down the drain. Let the formation of a true two party system take effect now. Think and think hard, come the first parliament sitting declare yourself independent and let the process of changing the government begins.
It is with much regret to go against my principle to call for your reconsideration in remaining with your coalition party, Barisan National.
There must be a very good reason, at times, to go against one's principle for the sake of the people and nation.
Before going into the reasoning in suggesting that you reconsider your position to remain with Barisan National let me asked a few questions in reminding you what and who you are.
1) What is your purpose to be an elected Member of Parliament?
2) Is high position (being a minister) and power solely or one of your motive to be an elected Member of Parliament?
3) Have the deterioration of racial harmony and religious intolerance caught your attention?
4) What is your priority being an elected Member of Parliament, party first or people/nation first?
5) Can you see what is happening right now with BN especially umno?
By answering the above questions truthfully you will know what position you are in right now.
You can see clearly the different rhetoric perpetuated pre 505 and post 505. Pre 505 rhetoric are favoring the rakyat with tonnes of money flowing freely and unrealistic promises to garner votes. Post 505 after failing to attract the voters to its side the tone set is completely the opposite using the race card to the tilt.
Yes, BN won 133 seats to enable it to form the federal government and with Najib swearing in with haste as the Prime Minister. Pakatan Rakyat is challenging the result claiming that they are being cheated off the win. They have every right to do so with their evidences to prove it. If you are a Malaysian living long enough in this nation you will be able to conclude what will be the outcome, but, today we are not talking about Pakatan Rakyat. Let them do what is right according to the "law" hoping that judgement will be free, fair and conducted without fear or favor.
The clarion call for GE 13 is to change the federal government to kick start a two party system that will enable any new federal government to rule together with the rakyat and not act arrogantly, corrupt and being racist. The popular vote has shown this is what the rakyat wanted but due to many obstacles being put in place in the election system the results gave the incumbent the 133 seats to stay in power.
Pre 505, umno bn leaders including the caretaker PM, Najib, have claimed that voters need not have to change the federal government cause umno bn can change themselves if voted in. Many have seen through this lie and the popular votes proved it. Umno bn did win the GE 13 but what are we seeing now post GE 13? They have indeed changed, not for the better but even worst.
The PM for all Malaysians and with his trademark of 1Malaysia started the ball rolling with his racist slant, 'Chinese tsunami' and the rest followed suit with Utusan's 'Apa lagi Cina Mahu?', former Court of Appeal judge Mohd Noor Abdulla’s incendiary speech pitting the Malays against the Chinese, UiTM pro-chancellor Tan Sri Dr. Abdul Rahman Arshad called for the abolition of Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools; and the call by some Malay groups to boycott Chinese businesses as a form of vendetta for the 13GE results. And not to forget the newly appointed Home Minister calling you to leave the country if you are not happy.
Racism is the worst disease in any developing nation and total destruction is the answer to it if it is not arrested immediately. As an elected MP, are you happy with what the PM and his followers are doing with these racist remarks pouring out daily? Is this racism part of PM Najib's call for national reconciliation? Give it a thought, if you keep quiet about it then you are no different from these racists.
Next is the formation of the Cabinet Ministers. Are they truly a formidable team to carry out their respective duty to bring forth a real transformation and changes that the nation is hungry for? The four most important ministry posts, finance, education, home and defense were given base on their capabilities, experiences and knowledge or on personal/party reasons? Most of you are fighting to be included into the cabinet but did you all asked yourself, are you qualified to hold that ministerial post if given? What I can see is a 'kitchen cabinet' full of carcases.
I need not have to go into the extensive corruptions and the actions of PDRM against those who are rallying against the undemocratic, dirtiest GE13 and framing almost anything they do under the sedition act while the most seditious statements that came from the ruling government went unnoticed. The above two points, racism and the cabinet are good enough to prove it does not bode well for the nation with this type of people running the nation. The rakyat do not care anymore about skin color, you can have a 100% Malay ministers or 100% Malay MPs as long as you can perform your duty as an elected representatives without thinking or acting like a racist and being fair to all Malaysians.
This is not an action call like September 16 post 308 but a message to whomever of you, right thinking MP, in truly wanting a real change in the democratic functioning system which have been destroyed over the 56 long years under umno bn rule. Get your party to withdraw from BN coalition and stay independent if you are not comfortable to join Pakatan Rakyat. Or if withdrawing party is not possible, then go independent as an individual. If only 25 of you can turned independent this will force a no confident vote against Najib as PM and a vote for a new PM can be called. If your conscience is clear and have seen the bads of umno you should vote for a Pakatan Rakyat MP to be the new PM.
If you do not take any action now and allow these group of leaders, mostly from umno, to continue running the nation there can be no hope of a two party system, good governance and bright future for this nation. Please bare in mind that there will be no reward such as promise of position nor monetary reward should you decide to go independent. It is all on your conscience and integrity to see that our beloved nation does not go down the drain. Let the formation of a true two party system take effect now. Think and think hard, come the first parliament sitting declare yourself independent and let the process of changing the government begins.
Wednesday, May 8, 2013
Sour grapes and sore winners
The Malaysian Insider
There is really nothing worse than sour grapes, but in this case, they are sore winners — the Barisan Nasional (BN).
BN politicians still believe that the Malaysian public are uneducated —or, worse yet, plain stupid — when it comes to comments about how the various races deserted the winning coalition
The Malays are “greedy”, for supporting Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The Chinese, first blamed for pushing out BN in many seats, are now said to have been duped by DAP.
And that is how the popular vote went, according to these politicians.
But the only ones duped were the highly-paid strategists and the Umno leadership, plus their much vaunted war room (who incidentally leaked to the mainstream press that Nurul Izzah Anwar and Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had “lost” their seats).
And they actually perpetuated and believed their own news that the two-thirds parliamentary super majority was in the pocket.
Now, instead of blaming voters and insulting their intelligence, why don’t they do some self-criticism and analysis, and ask whether it was congruent for a party that peddles 1 Malaysia to field the likes of Datuk Zulkifli Noordin and support Datuk Ibrahim Ali.
Also ask whether urban Malays enjoy watching Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud and Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil show little remorse for wrongdoings by their families.
There are many more questions to ask before the next polls, but please ask these questions of yourselves before it is too late. Before the people, and the next generation of voters, decide that all these leaders and their parties must be consigned to the rubbish bin of history.
There are many reasons to throw out such leaders but none of them are racial. Most of the Malaysian voters in Election 2013 decided to dump non-performing politicians and put the rest on notice.
You could delude yourself and keep giving them goodies and handouts. But they are a bit more mature now, a little more discerning about what is right for this country.
They want equity. They want a better government for a better nation. Walk the talk, instead of being sore winners. Reconcile, we must, but not when the first thought is about racial lines.
Malaysians have changed as much as the country has, and definitely more than politicians who still believe the people must be “grateful” to them and who see any snub as treasonous.
Learn this. Politicians owe their livelihoods to the people, and not the other way around. Call them stupid and see how smart they are in dumping you. Election 2013 has shown how true that is.
There is really nothing worse than sour grapes, but in this case, they are sore winners — the Barisan Nasional (BN).
BN politicians still believe that the Malaysian public are uneducated —or, worse yet, plain stupid — when it comes to comments about how the various races deserted the winning coalition
The Malays are “greedy”, for supporting Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The Chinese, first blamed for pushing out BN in many seats, are now said to have been duped by DAP.
And that is how the popular vote went, according to these politicians.
But the only ones duped were the highly-paid strategists and the Umno leadership, plus their much vaunted war room (who incidentally leaked to the mainstream press that Nurul Izzah Anwar and Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had “lost” their seats).
And they actually perpetuated and believed their own news that the two-thirds parliamentary super majority was in the pocket.
Now, instead of blaming voters and insulting their intelligence, why don’t they do some self-criticism and analysis, and ask whether it was congruent for a party that peddles 1 Malaysia to field the likes of Datuk Zulkifli Noordin and support Datuk Ibrahim Ali.
Also ask whether urban Malays enjoy watching Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud and Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil show little remorse for wrongdoings by their families.
There are many more questions to ask before the next polls, but please ask these questions of yourselves before it is too late. Before the people, and the next generation of voters, decide that all these leaders and their parties must be consigned to the rubbish bin of history.
There are many reasons to throw out such leaders but none of them are racial. Most of the Malaysian voters in Election 2013 decided to dump non-performing politicians and put the rest on notice.
You could delude yourself and keep giving them goodies and handouts. But they are a bit more mature now, a little more discerning about what is right for this country.
They want equity. They want a better government for a better nation. Walk the talk, instead of being sore winners. Reconcile, we must, but not when the first thought is about racial lines.
Malaysians have changed as much as the country has, and definitely more than politicians who still believe the people must be “grateful” to them and who see any snub as treasonous.
Learn this. Politicians owe their livelihoods to the people, and not the other way around. Call them stupid and see how smart they are in dumping you. Election 2013 has shown how true that is.
Tuesday, May 7, 2013
Hollow Victory and Unfinished Business
By Kee Thuan Chye | Yahoo News
The Election Commission (EC) has declared Barisan Nasional (BN) the winner of the 13th general election and Najib Razak has been sworn in as prime minister, but many people, including the leaders of Pakatan Rakyat, consider it unfinished business.
Claiming electoral fraud in various forms, they are questioning the legitimacy of the election result.
One of their central concerns is whether Pakatan Rakyat could have won more than the 89 parliament seats that the EC officially says it has.
According to Sivarasa Rasiah, vice-president of Pakatan component party PKR, the coalition disputes the results of about 30 other seats that it lost by narrow margins.
One could think of seats for parliament in which noted personalities contested, like those in Labis where the MCA’s Chua Tee Yong won by only 399 votes, and Cameron Highlands where the MIC’s G. Palanivel scraped through with a margin of 462.
In Kuala Selangor, the defeat of popular Dzulkefly Ahmad of PAS came as a surprise, by only 460 votes, and in Sungai Besar, BN won by a slim margin of 399.
The defeat that has drawn much speculation is that of the DAP’s Wong Tack in Bentong, in which Liow Tiong Lai triumphed by 379 votes, although Wong was reportedly leading by about 4,000 votes 45 minutes before the counting ended.
To all intents and purposes, the BN winners may have won fairly, but the fact that Tee Yong is the son of MCA President Chua Soi Lek, Liow is the party’s deputy president and Palanivel the MIC’s president only serves to fuel the speculation.
Furthermore, Liow’s successful defence of Bentong saves caretaker menteri besar Adnan Yaakob from having his ears cut off, even if the slim margin of victory may be enough to at least embarrass him.
But deeper than all this, it is the public distrust of the EC in its conduct of the general election and the loss of belief in BN playing fair that is the main issue.
Throughout the campaign period and even before that, BN engaged in money politics that went beyond decent limits. The BR1M (Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia) handouts, the promise of more BR1M if BN won again, the announcement of salary increases to the civil service, the army and the police, the granting of bonuses to employees of numerous government-linked corporations – these amounted to vote-buying.
And after the dissolution of Parliament, when Najib became merely caretaker prime minister, he was still announcing projects when he was not supposed to any more. His coalition made use of state resources like RTM for its own campaigning, totally shutting out the Opposition as it has always done. Mainstream newspapers, mostly BN-owned, went against their professional ethics and campaigned for their political masters with negative spins against the Opposition in news reports, analyses and columns. They also ran political advertisements that offended the sensibilities of industry professionals.
In Penang, there was a concerted campaign to vote out the Pakatan state government including its caretaker chief minister with the help of underworld tactics like offering substantial bribes to voters to solicit their cooperation.
BN’s victory is therefore not something it can be proud of. To put it bluntly and appropriately, it was a hollow victory.
Besides, despite its unsavoury tactics and vote-buying, BN had its majority reduced from what it got in the 2008 general election. It has seven seats fewer this time, with a total of 133.
Even more telling is the popular vote. Although Pakatan won only 89 seats, it garnered 5.623 million votes against BN’s 5.237 million. This works out to 50.1 per cent against 46.7 per cent. By extrapolation, it signifies that half the population reject BN.
Indeed, if not for the gerrymandering that makes it inordinately harder for the Opposition to win the federal government, Pakatan should have been the victor.
Given that it is the numerical loser (albeit seats dominator), BN starts its new term in government on a shaky footing. And with the ongoing doubts of its legitimacy, it’s safe to say that BN is now hated all the more for winning with dubious honour.
Najib blames BN’s poorer showing on what he calls the “Chinese tsunami”, a devastating rejection of the coalition by Chinese voters. Although the Chinese have often been cited as a convenient scapegoat whenever BN does badly, Najib has got it wrong.
If it had been a Chinese tsunami, the DAP would not have won the seats it did in Johor. Although they were Chinese-majority seats, the party still needed Malay support to carry the day. In Selangor, if it had not been for the Malays, Pakatan would not have retained it. But more than that, it went on to secure a two-thirds majority.
In Kelantan too, where the electorate is predominantly Malay, Pakatan has also been returned with a two-thirds majority, which is an improvement on its 2008 achievement. The same indication can be seen in also predominantly Malay Terengganu, where Pakatan came close to winning the state.
Najib blames Pakatan for playing racial politics to influence the massive Chinese swing, but here again, he is wrong. The people who played the racial card – and to the hilt – were his own BN compatriots, chief of whom was ex-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.
Since the last few years, Umno, especially, has been concocting all kinds of rubbish about the threat of the DAP and a so-called Chinese takeover of the government. Some of the spin came from Mahathir, who also irresponsibly warned that if the DAP’s Lim Kit Siang were to win the Gelang Patah seat, there would be racial conflict.
Kit Siang has indeed won it, but no untoward incidents have arisen.
The truth about the Chinese rejecting BN – if Najib doesn’t already know it – is that they can no longer tolerate a government that is corrupt, practises cronyism, abuses its power, chooses as and when not to follow the rule of law and treats different citizens differently. In short, the Chinese don’t want a government that has mismanaged the country for decades.
The same goes for Malaysians of other races, including Malays, who want a better government.
Another major factor that Najib has not dared to admit is the voting pattern of the young. This time, the young make up a huge percentage of the electorate, some of them as first-time voters. And it is this group that has also hurt BN in a big way.
Electoral returns have shown that in many polling stations, those who were in streams 4 and above, the streams that represent the young, by and large voted for Pakatan. This is not surprising, because even before election day, many of the calls for change came from young people.
Now that change has not happened, many of them feel cheated by how the result came about. Some have expressed their disappointment by suggesting they will leave instead of tolerate another five years of cheating, lies and misgovernance. This could enhance the brain drain that would ultimately hurt the country.
So, on the whole, BN’s victory is nothing to celebrate. Indeed, if the government that is formed from it does not bring about real reform, we will all experience further strife and harder times.
Kee Thuan Chye is the author of the bestselling book No More Bullshit, Please, We’re All Malaysians, and the latest volume, Ask for No Bullshit, Get Some More!
The Election Commission (EC) has declared Barisan Nasional (BN) the winner of the 13th general election and Najib Razak has been sworn in as prime minister, but many people, including the leaders of Pakatan Rakyat, consider it unfinished business.
Claiming electoral fraud in various forms, they are questioning the legitimacy of the election result.
One of their central concerns is whether Pakatan Rakyat could have won more than the 89 parliament seats that the EC officially says it has.
According to Sivarasa Rasiah, vice-president of Pakatan component party PKR, the coalition disputes the results of about 30 other seats that it lost by narrow margins.
One could think of seats for parliament in which noted personalities contested, like those in Labis where the MCA’s Chua Tee Yong won by only 399 votes, and Cameron Highlands where the MIC’s G. Palanivel scraped through with a margin of 462.
In Kuala Selangor, the defeat of popular Dzulkefly Ahmad of PAS came as a surprise, by only 460 votes, and in Sungai Besar, BN won by a slim margin of 399.
The defeat that has drawn much speculation is that of the DAP’s Wong Tack in Bentong, in which Liow Tiong Lai triumphed by 379 votes, although Wong was reportedly leading by about 4,000 votes 45 minutes before the counting ended.
To all intents and purposes, the BN winners may have won fairly, but the fact that Tee Yong is the son of MCA President Chua Soi Lek, Liow is the party’s deputy president and Palanivel the MIC’s president only serves to fuel the speculation.
Furthermore, Liow’s successful defence of Bentong saves caretaker menteri besar Adnan Yaakob from having his ears cut off, even if the slim margin of victory may be enough to at least embarrass him.
But deeper than all this, it is the public distrust of the EC in its conduct of the general election and the loss of belief in BN playing fair that is the main issue.
Throughout the campaign period and even before that, BN engaged in money politics that went beyond decent limits. The BR1M (Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia) handouts, the promise of more BR1M if BN won again, the announcement of salary increases to the civil service, the army and the police, the granting of bonuses to employees of numerous government-linked corporations – these amounted to vote-buying.
And after the dissolution of Parliament, when Najib became merely caretaker prime minister, he was still announcing projects when he was not supposed to any more. His coalition made use of state resources like RTM for its own campaigning, totally shutting out the Opposition as it has always done. Mainstream newspapers, mostly BN-owned, went against their professional ethics and campaigned for their political masters with negative spins against the Opposition in news reports, analyses and columns. They also ran political advertisements that offended the sensibilities of industry professionals.
In Penang, there was a concerted campaign to vote out the Pakatan state government including its caretaker chief minister with the help of underworld tactics like offering substantial bribes to voters to solicit their cooperation.
BN’s victory is therefore not something it can be proud of. To put it bluntly and appropriately, it was a hollow victory.
Besides, despite its unsavoury tactics and vote-buying, BN had its majority reduced from what it got in the 2008 general election. It has seven seats fewer this time, with a total of 133.
Even more telling is the popular vote. Although Pakatan won only 89 seats, it garnered 5.623 million votes against BN’s 5.237 million. This works out to 50.1 per cent against 46.7 per cent. By extrapolation, it signifies that half the population reject BN.
Indeed, if not for the gerrymandering that makes it inordinately harder for the Opposition to win the federal government, Pakatan should have been the victor.
Given that it is the numerical loser (albeit seats dominator), BN starts its new term in government on a shaky footing. And with the ongoing doubts of its legitimacy, it’s safe to say that BN is now hated all the more for winning with dubious honour.
Najib blames BN’s poorer showing on what he calls the “Chinese tsunami”, a devastating rejection of the coalition by Chinese voters. Although the Chinese have often been cited as a convenient scapegoat whenever BN does badly, Najib has got it wrong.
If it had been a Chinese tsunami, the DAP would not have won the seats it did in Johor. Although they were Chinese-majority seats, the party still needed Malay support to carry the day. In Selangor, if it had not been for the Malays, Pakatan would not have retained it. But more than that, it went on to secure a two-thirds majority.
In Kelantan too, where the electorate is predominantly Malay, Pakatan has also been returned with a two-thirds majority, which is an improvement on its 2008 achievement. The same indication can be seen in also predominantly Malay Terengganu, where Pakatan came close to winning the state.
Najib blames Pakatan for playing racial politics to influence the massive Chinese swing, but here again, he is wrong. The people who played the racial card – and to the hilt – were his own BN compatriots, chief of whom was ex-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.
Since the last few years, Umno, especially, has been concocting all kinds of rubbish about the threat of the DAP and a so-called Chinese takeover of the government. Some of the spin came from Mahathir, who also irresponsibly warned that if the DAP’s Lim Kit Siang were to win the Gelang Patah seat, there would be racial conflict.
Kit Siang has indeed won it, but no untoward incidents have arisen.
The truth about the Chinese rejecting BN – if Najib doesn’t already know it – is that they can no longer tolerate a government that is corrupt, practises cronyism, abuses its power, chooses as and when not to follow the rule of law and treats different citizens differently. In short, the Chinese don’t want a government that has mismanaged the country for decades.
The same goes for Malaysians of other races, including Malays, who want a better government.
Another major factor that Najib has not dared to admit is the voting pattern of the young. This time, the young make up a huge percentage of the electorate, some of them as first-time voters. And it is this group that has also hurt BN in a big way.
Electoral returns have shown that in many polling stations, those who were in streams 4 and above, the streams that represent the young, by and large voted for Pakatan. This is not surprising, because even before election day, many of the calls for change came from young people.
Now that change has not happened, many of them feel cheated by how the result came about. Some have expressed their disappointment by suggesting they will leave instead of tolerate another five years of cheating, lies and misgovernance. This could enhance the brain drain that would ultimately hurt the country.
So, on the whole, BN’s victory is nothing to celebrate. Indeed, if the government that is formed from it does not bring about real reform, we will all experience further strife and harder times.
Kee Thuan Chye is the author of the bestselling book No More Bullshit, Please, We’re All Malaysians, and the latest volume, Ask for No Bullshit, Get Some More!
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